From: Pew Research
Pace of Decline Slows in Past Decade
Chapter 1: Overview
Compared with 1993, the peak of U.S. gun homicides, the firearm
homicide rate was 49% lower in 2010, and there were fewer deaths, even
though the nation’s population grew. The victimization rate for other
violent crimes with a firearm—assaults, robberies and sex crimes—was 75%
lower in 2011 than in 1993. Violent non-fatal crime victimization
overall (with or without a firearm) also is down markedly (72%) over two
decades.
Nearly all the decline in the firearm homicide rate took place in the
1990s; the downward trend stopped in 2001 and resumed slowly in 2007.
The victimization rate for other gun crimes plunged in the 1990s, then
declined more slowly from 2000 to 2008. The rate appears to be higher in
2011 compared with 2008, but the increase is not statistically
significant. Violent non-fatal crime victimization overall also dropped
in the 1990s before declining more slowly from 2000 to 2010, then ticked
up in 2011.
Despite national attention to the issue of firearm violence, most
Americans are unaware that gun crime is lower today than it was two
decades ago. According to a new Pew Research Center survey, today 56% of
Americans believe gun crime is higher than 20 years ago and only 12%
think it is lower.
Looking
back 50 years, the U.S. gun homicide rate began rising in the 1960s,
surged in the 1970s, and hit peaks in 1980 and the early 1990s. (The
number of homicides peaked in the early 1990s.) The plunge in homicides
after that meant that firearm homicide rates in the late 2000s were
equal to those not seen since the early 1960s.1 The sharp decline in the U.S. gun homicide rate, combined with a slower decrease in the gun suicide
rate, means that gun suicides now account for six-in-ten firearms deaths, the highest share since at least 1981.
rate, means that gun suicides now account for six-in-ten firearms deaths, the highest share since at least 1981.
Trends for robberies followed a similar long-term trajectory as homicides (National Research Council, 2004), hitting a peak in the early 1990s before declining.
This report examines trends in firearm homicide, non-fatal violent
gun crime victimization and non-fatal violent crime victimization
overall since 1993. Its findings on firearm crime are based mainly on
analysis of data from two federal agencies. Data from the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, using information from death
certificates, are the source of rates, counts and trends for all firearm
deaths, homicide and suicide, unless otherwise specified. The
Department of Justice’s National Crime Victimization Survey, a household
survey conducted by the Census Bureau, supplies annual estimates of
non-fatal crime victimization, including those where firearms are used,
regardless of whether the crimes were reported to police. Where
relevant, this report also quotes from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports
(see text box at the end of this chapter and the Methodology appendix
for more discussion about data sources).
Researchers
have studied the decline in firearm crime and violent crime for many
years, and though there are theories to explain the decline, there is no
consensus among those who study the issue as to why it happened.
There also is debate about the extent of gun ownership in the U.S.,
although no disagreement that the U.S. has more civilian firearms, both
total and per capita, than other nations. Compared with other developed
nations, the U.S. has a higher homicide rate and higher rates of gun
ownership, but not higher rates for all other crimes. (See Chapter 5 for
more details.)
In the months since the mass shooting at a Newtown, Conn., elementary
school in December, the public is paying close attention to the topic
of firearms; according to a recent Pew Research Center survey (Pew Research Center, April 2013)
no story received more public attention from mid-March to early April
than the debate over gun control. Reducing crime has moved up as a
priority for the public in polling this year.
Mass shootings are a matter of great public interest and concern.
They also are a relatively small share of shootings overall. According
to a Bureau of Justice Statistics review, homicides that claimed at
least three lives accounted for less than 1% of all homicide deaths from
1980 to 2008. These homicides, most of which are shootings, increased
as a share of all homicides from 0.5% in 1980 to 0.8% in 2008, according
to the bureau’s data. A Congressional Research Service report, using a
definition of four deaths or more, counted 547 deaths from mass
shootings in the U.S. from 1983 to 2012.2
Looking at the larger topic of firearm deaths, there were 31,672
deaths from guns in the U.S. in 2010. Most (19,392) were suicides; the
gun suicide rate has been higher than the gun homicide rate since at
least 1981, and the gap is wider than it was in 1981.
Knowledge About Crime
Despite
the attention to gun violence in recent months, most Americans are
unaware that gun crime is markedly lower than it was two decades ago. A
new Pew Research Center survey (March 14-17) found that 56% of Americans
believe the number of crimes involving a gun is higher than it was 20
years ago; only 12% say it is lower and 26% say it stayed the same. (An
additional 6% did not know or did not answer.)
Men (46%) are less likely than women (65%) to say long-term gun crime
is up. Young adults, ages 18 to 29, are markedly less likely than other
adults to say long-term crime is up—44% do, compared with more than
half of other adults. Minority adults are more likely than non-Hispanic
whites to say that long-term gun crime is up, 62% compared with 53%.
Asked about trends in the number of gun crimes “in recent years,” a
plurality of 45% believe the number has gone up, 39% say it is about the
same and 10% say it has gone down. (An additional 5% did not know or
did not answer.) As with long-term crime, women (57%) are more likely
than men (32%) to say that gun crime has increased in recent years. So
are non-white adults (54%) compared with whites (41%). Adults ages 50
and older (51%) are more likely than those ages 18-49 (42%) to believe
gun crime is up.
What is Behind the Crime Decline?
Researchers continue to debate the key factors behind changing crime
rates, which is part of a larger discussion about the predictors of
crime.3
There is consensus that demographics played some role: The outsized
post-World War II baby boom, which produced a large number of people in
the high-crime ages of 15 to 20 in the 1960s and 1970s, helped drive
crime up in those years.
A review by the National Academy of Sciences of factors driving recent crime trends (Blumstein and Rosenfeld, 2008)
cited a decline in rates in the early 1980s as the young boomers got
older, then a flare-up by mid-decade in conjunction with a rising street
market for crack cocaine, especially in big cities. It noted
recruitment of a younger cohort of drug seller with greater willingness
to use guns. By the early 1990s, crack markets withered in part because
of lessened demand, and the vibrant national economy made it easier for
even low-skilled young people to find jobs rather than get involved in
crime.
At the same time, a rising number of people ages 30 and older were
incarcerated, due in part to stricter laws, which helped restrain
violence among this age group. It is less clear, researchers say, that
innovative policing strategies and police crackdowns on use of guns by
younger adults played a significant role in reducing crime. MORE
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